Chimney, operator of the Hana no Mai pub chain, is also looking for Vietnamese workers. She has a part-time job at a dumpling chain. After finishing classes at 4 p.
Huyen shares a room that rents for 28, yen with a Vietnamese friend. Her parents in Vietnam send her about , yen a year to help pay tuition, with her wages covering the rest of the amount.
Whatever is left after living expenses is socked away to help pay for college next year. Her job at the dumpling restaurant comes with meals included, allowing her to save on groceries. Foreign students in Japan are allowed to work up to 28 hours a week. With Vietnam's income level still low, many Vietnamese students find it difficult to make ends meet with money from parents alone, Ogawa said. And since they can only work in the evenings after school, they tend to seek higher-paying jobs.
Vietnamese part-timers prove a boon for Japanese pubs - Nikkei Asian Review
In the not too distant past, most foreign part-time employees at izakaya were Chinese students, numbering twice as many as the Vietnamese of today. But the number of Chinese students who have to work part-time is declining as more are receiving money from home, according to a representative of Human Academy, a Japanese-language school with branches in Tokyo and other big cities. Those who do usually find jobs at convenience stores, where they can more easily schedule work shifts around busy school schedules, or duty-free shops, where they can use their Chinese skills.
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Factsheet - VN. Factsheet - EN. With low incomes, poor benefits, unstable employment, and far from traditional family support systems, migrants are particularly vulnerable — a situation worsened by the global economic crisis.
In Ha Noi, the government estimates that only 11 percent of newly resident laborers have work contracts compared with 90 percent of local residents. Ministry of Health statistics show only 30 percent of private companies pay health insurance fees for their workers and 90 percent of new residents from the countryside have no social insurance. Migrants also struggle to access state support. Their permanent registration documents, or their ho khau , and with it their rights to access government services, remain tied to their homes in the countryside.
Historically, the ho khau system was used as part of the public administration system both to control the movement of the population but also to allocate scarce resources and public services during the war years. As Vietnam has opened up since the doi moi reforms in the late s, the system has loosened. Increasing numbers of people have moved away from the places where they are registered.
In theory, migrants can get official permission to change their registration. In practice, large numbers of migrants cannot do so, unable to fulfill the conditions required.
This state of limbo means even seemingly simple tasks such as registering a birth can become complex and fraught. The expense and bureaucratic convolutions of accessing basic health and education services put them beyond the reach of many.
The immediate challenges of dealing with such a massive population shift are huge. Binh Chieu, like most of the industrial zones that ring Ho Chi Minh City, is dominated by row upon row of anonymous looking factories churning out textile, footwear, and electrical products for export. The local government there estimates that 65 percent of the population are migrant laborers. The vast majority of migrants arrived over the last decade and have created a huge strain on infrastructure and services. Workers wait for day labor job in Ha Noi City.
Food safety risk management in Vietnam: Challenges and opportunities
The government estimates that in Ha Noi, only 11 percent of newly residents laborers have work contracts, compared with 90 percent of local residents. Government approaches to migrant worker issues have often come from the point of view of managing migration flows and social problems rather than supporting a dynamic labor source and providing protection. No one department is responsible for migrant social policy which means that their specific challenges frequently fall between the cracks.